MAC (mines and communities)
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Wikileaks expose US & PNG position on Bougainville case against Rio  Tinto
London Calling re-enters the eye of the storm
Published Date: 12-09-2011 
 Source: Wikileaks 
 Source  Date: 09-09-2011 
 
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 A decade ago, landowners profoundly impacted by Rio Tinto's Panguna copper-gold mine in Bougainville tried to bring the company to court in the USA, using the Alien Tort Act. They wanted Rio Tinto to account - and pay massive compensation - for human rights crimes, allegedly committed by its subsidiary Bougainville Copper Ltd (BCL) before the mine was closed down by militants in 1989, and the government of Papua New Guinea (PNG) tried to reclaim it by force. For around six years, the PNG government maintained the case should be heard within its own jurisdiction - not in the USA where public concern and any amount in settlement would almost certainly be greater. The US administration is believed to have strongly backed this position. Then, in 2006, the PNG administration apparently changed its mind. According to two recently "wikileaked" cables (reproduced below) it argued that the USA was, after all, the appropriate forum to examine the landowners' accusations. And it urged the then-US ambassador, Robert Fitts, to PNG to concur. Whom the cap fits?
   The cables are quite revealing about the divergent attitudes of the PNG and US governments at this time, although they were both trying to quash the plaintiffs' submissions - or at least limit any adverse fallout should they meet some success. In expressing bewilderment at PNG's volteface, US ambassador Robert Fitts commented: "The GPNG [government of Papua New Guinea] position is a bit strange if viewed from its own financial perspective. As a 25% [holder] of BCL, it would presumably have to front up its share of any award that was made." However, went on Fitts: "[G]iven the way things are done here, the general suspicion is that PM Somare has been given a financial incentive to reverse the previous government's position on the case. "Certainly, it would be very typical of Melanesia if what the government saw as in its nation's interest also redownded to the individual benefit of its leadership. It is worthy of note that Paul Nero, a plaintiff and the current PNG CG [Consul General] in Brisbane, is very much a Somare man." Five years on, and this comment brings us to an affidavit, sworn by Michael Somare earlier this year, where he accused the mining giant of having financed, and virtually master-minded, the horrendous war by Papua New Guinea against Bougainville. In June 2011, one of the largest shareholders in Bougainville Copper Ltd - the European Shareholders of Bougainville Copper [ESBC] - reacted to Somare's affidavit. "Poor, delirious old man" Describing the former prime minister as a "poor, delirious old man who is more and more out of his mind", ESBC's president, Dr Axel Sturm, accused Somare of having himself provoked the landowers' suit against Rio Tinto. See: London Calling asks: did Rio Tinto fund war on Bougainville? The landowner plaintiffs are still awaiting further developments in their case, after an October 2010 recommendation by the 9th Circuit district court in California that their claims be disposed of through "mediation". Meanwhile, Axel Sturm has expressed on his website, and in a number of emails, distinct displeasure at the stance adopted on these issues, both by MAC and in our own London Calling column. In a flurry of messy missives, Sturm accused MAC of having financed the attendance at last year's Rio Tinto AGM of Clive Porabou - a noted Bougainvillean activist, implacably opposed to re-opening of the Panguna mine. See: http://www.minesandcommunities.org/article.php?a=10857&l=1 An Axel to grind Except to state that Mr Sturm is flatly mistaken in this regard, we won't deign to take up cudgels with the man. It's somewhat striking, however, that he seems to have got wind of ambassador Fitts' 2006 suspicions about Somare's role in brokering the California court case, some months before they were revealed in the new wikileaks. Not that we're suggesting any direct link between Fitts and Sturm. In the field of conspiracy theorising, Axel from Andorra is hills ahead of us. (Thanks to our Australian colleague, Vikki John, for sending us these wikileaks). [London Calling is published by Nostromo Research. Views expressed in this column do not necessarily represent those of any other party, including the editorial board of MAC. Reproduction is welcomed, provided full acknowledgment is given to source].    | 
      
  
  
Viewing cable 06PORTMORESBY401, FOREIGN POLICY IMPLICATIONS OF SAREI  VS. RIO TINTO Reference ID - 06PORTMORESBY401 
 
Created - 2006-09-25 00:22
 Released - 2011-08-30 01:44
 Classification -  CONFIDENTIAL
 Origin - Embassy Port Moresby TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY  4634
 SUBJECT: FOREIGN POLICY IMPLICATIONS OF SAREI VS. RIO TINTO
REF: SEPT 21
 CLASSIFIED BY: Robert Fitts, Ambassador, U.S. Embassy Port  Moresby, Department of State. REASON: 1.4 (b)
1. (SBU) Summary: The PNG government of the day has taken and communicated a  decision to the Embassy that it does not want to be seen as standing in the way  of the hearing of the subject case in California courts. Accordingly, we must  assess that there are no compelling foreign policy objections vis-a-vis PNG (and  Bougainville.) In particular, we do not concur with the representations that an  adverse decision on the case would creat a backlash against the GPNG. This of  course, does not speak to the broader foreign policy implications of the Alien  Tort Statute. We do note, however, that as long as the case goes on, the  Autonomous Bougainville government will be tempted to avoid the difficult  decisions and hard work of development in favor of waiting for pie in the sky  via ATS. End Summary
2. (U) Australia, whose mining companies are active around the world,  understandably would like the Alien Torts Statute to be as limited in scope as  possible. In particular, the non-paper (ref) refers to the requirement that  local remedies be exhausted prior to application of the ATS. That certainly has  not been the case with Sarei.
3.(U) In fact, PNG's statutes require as well that all litigation on natural  resource projects be brought in PNG courts. In an earlier iteration of the case  (2001 or so) PNG agreed that it would not charge the plaintiffs for violating  that provision in order to pave the way for having the case transferred back  here.
4.(SBU) But the worm has turned. I was officially informed by both the  Minister for Bougainville Affairs and by the Prime Minister's Chief Secretary  (the country's top civil servant although it is a political appointment) that  the government did not want to be seen as standing in the way of Bougainville's  claim. They wanted the case to proceed. [This had the air of, we hope the US  courts will quickly dispose of this troublesome issue. Alas, I had to remind  them that the US courts were neither quick nor subject to this Embassy's  influence.] In fact, they said that they were opposed to having the case in PNG  courts as any setbacks to Bougainville's side would be seen there as a sign the  PNG government was trying to keep them under PNG's thumb.
5.(SBU) The Bougainville peace negotiations are largely over, though  sensitivities are still very near the surface. We are now in the lengthy run up  to the proffered 2015-2020 plebisite on possible independence. The Bougainville  Affairs Minister noted that his main job is making sure the Bougainville  leadership sees the PNG government as helpful and supportive of its efforts to  set the stage for that plebisite.
6.(SBU) There is lots that is troubling about this case. Bougainvillians  actually believe that, if the case proceeds, they will pocket $10 billion and  become a rich province again. [Actually, if Bougainville and PNG history is any  guide, most of that chimeral $10 billion would instead wind up in the Brisbane  housing market in the name of individual Bougainville leaders.] While the case  is ongoing, there is every incentive for the leadership to wait for its ship to  come in and not make the responsible and hard decisions that are required. Also,  there is no guarantee that a future PNG government - which could take office  after the May 2007 elections, might not reverse course. This would be  particularly true if lurid testimony was made public of the conduct of PNG  forces during that troubled conflict.
7.(U) But, the government of the day has taken the firm position that it does  not want to stand in the way of the litigation. Therefore, this Embassy cannot  argue that there are compelling foreign policy reasons for the case not to go  forward. [This is vis-a-vis PNG. The Department and DOJ will have to weigh the  world wide implications of ATS cases.]
8.(C) In particular, the assertion made by the Australian Embassy rep that a  loss by the plaintiffs would result in a backlash against the PNG government is  unfounded. Such a backlash would come only if the PNG government had been  opposing the case. I checked with the Australian High Commission here and they  share my assessment on this specific point. [The GOA may be trying to limit ATS  application and so marshalling every argument it can think of. This one, though,  does not hold water.]
9.(C) Comment: The GPNG position is a bit strange if viewed from its own  financial perspective. As a 25% of BCL, it would presumably have to front up its  share of any award that was made. However, given the way things are done here,  the general suspicion is that PM Somare has been given a financial incentive to  reverse the previous government's position on the case. Certainly, it would be  very typical of Melanesia if what the government saw as in its nation's interest  also redownded to the individual benefit of its leadership. It is worthy of note  that Paul Nero, a plaintiff and the current PNG CG in Brisbane, is very much a  Somare man.
Viewing cable 06PORTMORESBY319, SAREI VS. RIO TINTO 
Reference ID 06PORTMORESBY319 
 Created 2006-08-09 03:04 
 Released  2011-08-30 01:44 
 Classification CONFIDENTIAL 
 Origin Embassy Port Moresby  
 SUBJECT: SAREI VS. RIO TINTO
REF: 05 PORT MORESBY 120 
 CLASSIFIED BY: Robert Fitts, Ambassador, U.S.  Embassy Port Moresby, Department of State. 
 REASON: 1.4 (b)
1.(C) SUMMARY/COMMENT: The current PNG government would not object to  continuation of the case vs. Rio Tinto in California courts, however it would  likely be discomfited if the case were prolonged. A lengthy case could also  serve to delay responsible decision making by the Bougainville government. A new  PNG government (expected in June 2007) could well raise anew objections to the  case. Thus, there would be little immediate adverse foreign policy impact to  resumption of the case.
However, there could well be different considerations down the road. END  SUMMARY
2.(C) The current PNG government is on record as preferring that the  Bougainville class action suit now in California courts be decided in the U.S.  That statement was made in March of 2005 (reftel) in the context of upcoming  elections in Bougainville. Those elections were held in May last year. The  autonomous provincial government has been formed and has gotten down to the  serious business of hitting the government and donors up for money to fund its  operations. The new provincial government has uninterested in raising its own  revenue within the province. If we enquired today for the position of the PNG  government, we confidently expect that it would not oppose continuation of the  case in US courts. This is after all a national election year for PNG. The  prospect for funds from the case also helps contain, to some extent, demands for  additional funding from Bougainville. If the Department wishes, we will request  the views of the government, but a response might take some time.
3.(C) The Bougainville peace process, in the eyes of Bougainville leaders,  has a long way to go. It will only end some ten or 15 years in the future with a  referendum on independence which is provided for in the newly adopted  constitution. Whether that referendum will in fact be held, will depend on the  progress of national politics. Continuation of the case does encourage those who  hold the millennialist hope/belief that the suit will produce billions,  rendering the province rich. A long trial could thus serve to delay provincial  leaders from making hard decisions, like raising revenue locally to fund  development. In fact, the same PNG Minister who said (reftel) his government  would not raise an objection to the case proceeding, pressed the Ambassador to  ensure that the case was decided expeditiously, "so that the Bougainvillians can  get down to business."
4.(C) The previous Government in PNG had objected strongly to the case being  tried in U.S. courts, which was the basis for the original USG submission on the  case. A national election in PNG will be held in May 2007 and it is completely  conceivable that a new government would raise those objections anew,  particularly if evidence in the case was drawing criticism of PNG's conduct in  the succession crisis.